Sino-US military ties warming up, but still cool
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The 10th Sino-US Defense Consultative Talks (DCT) ended on a positive note in Beijing on June 24 following an 18-month suspension. Senior officials from both sides discussed regional security issues and agreed to hold a special meeting on maritime security in the near future and to organize high-level exchange visits over the coming year. For the Obama administration it was a good start to military ties with China.
As a barometer of bilateral relations, Sino-US military ties have had a mixed history since they were re-established 30 years ago. During the Cold War, relations were warm, reflecting common strategic interests. When the Cold War ended and joint strategic aims were no longer in the foreground, military relations lost their direction to some extent. Over the past decade, they have lagged behind compared with the development of other bilateral ties. According to one analyst, on a scale of one to ten, we could award economic and trade ties six or seven points, while the military ties merit only two points.
Former U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen talked about a three-stage approach to military cooperation when he visited China in 2000; deepening the current joint activities, broadening them into new areas, and advancing from confidence-building to real-world cooperation. In my view, ties are moving towards phase two at present.
A number of naval confrontations since March this year have made maritime security a thorny issue in bilateral ties. On March 8, the USNS Impeccable, a U.S. surveillance ship, was involved in a standoff with Chinese naval and fishing vessels some 120 km south of China's southern-most province of Hainan. On June 11, also in the South China Sea, a Chinese submarine damaged an underwater sonar array being towed behind U.S. destroyer USS John S. McCain. In light of these incidents, the two sides should make efforts to reduce suspicion and avoid misjudgments through consultative talks. On regional security issues which concern both sides, such as the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and the war against terrorism in South Asia, the U.S. should step up communication and cooperation with China. This would further promote regional peace and stability.
Before military ties between the two nations can reach a level of mutual trust, several differences need to be solved. At the top of the list is the Taiwan issue. The U.S. must realize that weapon sales to Taiwan are not just a military matter, but a political issue. The sales demonstrate America's lack of respect for China's core values, and are damaging mutual trust. The recent warming of cross-straits ties has provided a favorable context for the U.S. to adjust, or change, its policy on weapon sales to Taiwan.
The second issue is American naval surveillance activities in the South China Sea. According to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, U.S. ships have the right to pass through China's exclusive economic zone. But that right does not permit them to act in a way that is harmful to China's security interests. Activities such as those conducted by the USNS Impeccable are bound to provoke maritime security disputes.
Thirdly, the U.S. should accept reasonable development and growth of China's military strength. China began its military modernization program relatively recently, in response to changes in the regional security balance following the end of the Cold War. China's defensive strategy aims to create a stable international security environment for its economic development, and to prevent other countries' interference with its sovereignty and territory. China has no desire to achieve hegemony in Asia, still less to challenge America's hegemony. But the correlation between economic and military power and the many historical examples of rising powers challenging existing great powers have led the U.S. to treat any development of Chinese military capacity as a "threat". The U.S. worries about China's military modernization and its development of a blue-water navy (a maritime force capable of operating across oceans). It criticizes China in its annual Report on China's Military Posture released by the Department of Defense, and has tightened its controls on weapon exports to China. Furthermore, it is blocking efforts by the EU to lift the European arms embargo on China. None of these activities are helpful for improving communication and cooperation.
The resumption of the DCT is a good start for both sides. But history tells us that a good start does not guarantee success. To melt the ice and move towards real-world cooperation both sides need to work together to resolve differences. By this measure, Sino-US military ties are warming up, but are still cool.
Dr. Fan Jishe is the deputy director of the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation Studies, and a research fellow with the Institute of American Studies at the China Academy of Social Sciences.
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