Here are two key characters: min yi.
Look out for them. Literally translated as "popular will," min
yi is often referred to as public opinion. Min yi diaocha, for
example, means public opinion poll.
The word has caught my eyes frequently of late. Yesterday when I
was online, it jumped out at me.
A blogger, using an imaginative name with five Chinese
characters containing nine ren (person), claimed that China has
entered a new phrase characterized by interaction between min yi
and reform.
Curious, I put min yi into a search engine and spent an hour
online, trying to find how it interacts with reform today.
Of course, Internet opinion is only part of min yi. There are
other outlets, traditional and modern, giving vent to popular views
and opinions.
Mobile phones, for instance, are another handy medium Chinese
often use, especially during special occasions when people take
issues and express their views via messages.
Nevertheless, the Internet has become a force, perhaps the most
influential force, in shaping Chinese min yi and bringing it to the
attention of society, and policy-makers in particular.
The Internet has opened a huge vista for the general public to
express, comment, debate, criticize and even attack. Netizens say
whatever they want to say whenever they want to say it.
It is true that no one is able to count how many articles have
been published about the ongoing reform on the Internet. It is also
true that much online debate is not attacking the real issues.
However, never before have the Chinese been so active in
expressing themselves.
Never before have common folks become so enthusiastic in
debating China's general reform policies.
They may sometimes miss the point. But matters relating to
people's lives such as healthcare and farmers' incomes are the
issues that min yi is mostly debating.
People argue and disagree more often than they can agree.
The current debate, however, is more interesting than it used to
be, since more ordinary people are taking sides.
China's reform has never been smooth sailing. In the three
decades of reform, we have seen three great debates concerning
reform policies.
The 1982-84 debate was over the commodity economy (it was so
called because ideology still prevailed then, and the nation shied
away from recognizing the market economy).
The 1989-92 debate was over market-oriented economy (it was a
compromise, of sorts, to distinguish China's reform from the market
economy in the West).
The third debate, which began in 2004 and still rages today,
focuses on the market economy. Unlike the previous two that were
chiefly the concern of elites political figures, economists and
journalists, this time it has gained the attention of laobaixing
(common folk). Attackers and defenders are people from all walks of
life.
Laobaixing have voiced their opinions and it is worth noting
that many do not share the elite's advocacy of the market economy
simply because they want to share the benefits brought by the
reform.
Farmers, for example, want their livelihoods improved.
When a small group of farmers in East China's Anhui Province
contracted their production quotes to individual household in the
late 1970s, they were ahead of the elite, the first to embark on
the road to reform China's countryside.
Three decades have passed since then, and the market economy has
changed the face of urban China. However rural China remains a
striking contrast.
Will the advance of the market economy help farmers as some
elite economists have suggested? Their argument is: developmental
problems exist because market economic reform is not thorough
enough.
I do not see any reason why innocent farmers are willing to be
marginalized any further. Rural voices grow into min yi and they
want what the market economy cannot deliver.
Indeed, at this point the best things the government has done
are administrative policy and financial adjustments that include,
for example, waiving tuition fees for rural school children and
scrapping the 2,000-year-old agricultural tax.
Of course, more needs to be done. The New Countryside campaign
gives hope to farmers who deserve to be treated the same as their
urban cousins.
No longer short of public opinion, China's common folk are
learning the importance of min yi. So must policy-makers.
Healthcare, for example, is another controversy that draws
polarized views.
When Health Minister Gao
Qiang explained the complexities of rising medical costs
recently, the public disagreed, with some criticizing the minister
for shirking his duty.
Facing mounting complaints, Premier Wen
Jiabao earlier this month announced at the National People's
Congress annual session that the government would accelerate the
building of community-based clinics that would be included in
medical insurance programs.
The premier's response to min yi was well received. The fact
that people now expect to be listened to and that their opinions
are taken into consideration is a positive and constructive element
of the ongoing reform.
To see how seriously the government now takes min yi, I checked
four websites of municipalities directly under the central
government, Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin and Chongqing.
The result? All have dedicated special channels for common folks
to communicate. The governments have learned that they can neither
cheat nor fail min yi.
(China Daily March 31, 2006)